American Studies

university of tehran, institue of north american and european studies

American Studies

university of tehran, institue of north american and european studies

Voting and Non- Voting Theories

 

Voting and Non- Voting Theories: 2004 Presidential Election

This article can also be found on ezinearticles.com: http://EzineArticles.com/?id=945651

 

In applying theories of voting and non-voting behavior to 2004 presidential election, it is better to have some explanation on the theories themselves. Theories of voting are put into 2 categories: party identification and issue voting. If in an election people vote according to their party ID, regardless of who the candidate of their party is, we can say their model of voting behavior is party identification. But if people vote regardless of party affiliations, it is said that their voting behavior is issue voting. In the issue voting model, people put more emphasis on the candidates’ personalities and characteristics rather than their party affiliation. Besides, he issues of the time are also very crucial to their decision. In other word they look at candidates’ personalities and the position they take over specific issues of the time. This can be done either prospectively or retrospectively. In the prospective way, the voter looks at the policies of the parties and selects the on that resembles his/her position on the issues more. In the retrospective way, the voter only looks at the achievments and failures of the candidates as measure.

Non-voting behavior also has 2 explanations: institutional and socio-political. The difficult registration procedures that are mostly on the shoulders of the voter are one of the institutional explanations. 2 explanations exist in the socio-political branch; people are either happy or disillusioned with their conditions and for this they don’t participate or they participate in the process of decision-making in other ways.

I think the model of issue voting is more applicable to the voters in 2004 election. It is because the other model is not applicable. Let’s observe some data regarding party ID:

 

Rep.

Dem.

Ind.

No. of Polls

 

 

 

%

%

%

 

 

2004

 

 

 

 

 

Fourth quarter

31

32

31

4

 

Third quarter

31

34

30

7

 

Second quarter

28

33

32

2

 

First quarter

30

33

29

7

 

2003

 

 

 

 

 

Fourth quarter

29

32

30

6

 

Third quarter

29

32

31

6

 

Second quarter

29

31

34

3

 

First quarter

32

32

31

5

 

2002

 

 

 

 

 

Fourth quarter

29

33

32

4

 

Third quarter

30

32

33

5

 

Second quarter

31

30

33

3

 

First quarter

31

30

35

2

 

2001

 

 

 

 

 

Fourth quarter

31

32

31

10

 

Third quarter

30

33

30

5

 

Second quarter

29

34

30

4

 

First quarter

28

34

34

5

 

 (The data is taken from http://www.publicopinionpros.com/features/2005/aug/hugick.asp)

“The back and forth movement seen in party ID over the course of election year 2004 provides strong evidence that it is not a particularly stable measure. All other things being equal, we would expect party ID to change little from quarter to quarter, but experience shows that it can and does change direction, often in an unpredictable manner.”1

Now consider the following statistics. The table “displays the demographic characteristics of the first major shift in party ID:

                                --2001 Pre-9/11--

2001-2002

-Early Post 9/11-

 

 

Rep

Dem

Rep

Dem

Margin Shift

Minimum N

 

 

 

%

%

%

%

%/party

 

 

Total

28

34

32

31

+7R

7,270

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Men

30

29

33

27

+5R

3,515

 

Women

26

38

31

35

+8R

3,755

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

White

33

29

37

26

+7R

5,602

 

Black

5

68

10

64

+9R

677

 

Hispanic

17

43

25

36

+15R

490

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

18-29

24

32

28

28

+8R

1,446

 

30-49

29

34

34

30

+9R

2,789

 

50-64

26

37

33

31

+13R

1,649

 

65+

32

36

32

40

+4R

1,247

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

College grad+

31

33

37

29

+10R

2,557

 

Some college

30

33

33

28

+8R

1,693

 

HS or less

26

35

29

34

+4R

2,946

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Northeast

24

36

29

33

+8R

1,355

 

Midwest

28

31

32

28

+7R

1,882

 

South

30

35

32

34

+3R

2,622

 

West

28

33

33

28

+10R

1,411

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Southern white

39

27

39

26

+1R

1,907

 

Non-South white

31

30

35

26

+8R

3,695

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Urban

22

39

26

37

+6R

2,152

 

Suburban

29

33

34

28

+10R

3,501

 

Rural

32

30

34

29

+3R

1,617

           (The data is taken from http://www.publicopinionpros.com/features/2005/aug/hugick.asp)

“Moving from the pre-9/11 to early post-9/11 period, the Republicans gained ground across the board, but those gains were generally larger among subgroups who had been less supportive of George W. Bush and his policies. The "rally 'round the flag" effect helped push Bush's approval rating to a level not seen since his father received close to 90 percent approval in the Newsweek poll after the Persian Gulf War victory, and it also seemed to boost the Republican Party's standing with those who don't generally lean that way. Republican gains were more pronounced among women than men. The Republicans improved their position significantly among African Americans, Hispanics, and whites who live outside the South” 1.

                                                                                                                                        

As you see, the statistics show major changes in the party ID of the voters, which is called party dealignment. In cases of party dealignment, people no longer consider party affiliations and tend to focus on the issues of the day. David Remer gives a list of the issues that voters in 2004 election faced:

·  Voter party identification

·      Political fund raising.

·      Public vs. Private education.

·      Schools: Local Standards vs. National Standards.

·      Public Debt.

·      War Powers: congressional vs. executive.

·      Government: open or secret.

·      One party or multiple party government.

·      Economic Mix.

·      Lobbyist Power.

·      National Security: Offensive vs. Defensive.

·      Wealth Distribution.

·      Media Responsibility and Ownership.

·      Public Resources: To privatize or not.

·      Globalization: Diplomatic Leadership vs. Force.

·      Environment: Proactive vs. Reactive policy. “2

So the voters considered these issues as measures for electing their candidates. That’s why I call 2004 election an issue voting election.

But for those who have not voted in 2004 election, the most likely reason can be the socio-political one. In this case I think it was disillusionment with the government that prevented people from voting. People knew that whoever became the President, their conditions as a country in war abroad would not change.               

 

  

 

1) http://www.publicopinionpros.com/features/2005/aug/hugick3.asp

2) http://www.watchblog.com/thirdparty/archives/000248.html

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